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Such dominant constructions determine the standards against which other masculinities are defined. However, as our discussion of the contemporary popularity of both macho men and new men shows, various hegemonic models can coexist.
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Rarely, if ever, will there be only one hegemonic masculinity operating in any cultural setting. Rather, in different contexts, different hegemonic masculinities are imposed by emphasizing certain attributes, such as physical prowess or emotionality, over others. However, we suggest that such attributions are neither exclusive, nor permanent. The idea of hegemonic masculinity encourages a consideration of how power is related to attributions of masculinity. However, Carrigan et al. It would hardly be an exaggeration to say that hegemonic masculinity is hegemonic so far as it embodies a successful strategy in relation to women.
Ironically, such a slippage is a fundamental characteristic of hegemonic masculinities? Three kinds of mystification work to create this sleight of mind and disguise the implicit masculization of power. This process is enacted through the elaborate etiquette of social relations in any particular setting. Such associations are also made verbally. Kanitkar, Chapter 11 in this volume. In this way, virile male bodies are often seen to be at one with the body politic and, in the monotheistic religions at least, even the deity is seen as stridently male.
Such associations are naturalized by being linked to aspects of the body, and they may be transformed or inverted to produce a wide range of meanings. Strathern ; and below. Thus, masculine identities may be located in possessions which can be acquired or lost. Secondly, masculinized power is consistently associated with those who have control over resources and who have an interest in naturalizing and perpetuating that control. This means that in gender, class and race hierarchies, men and women who are pre-eminent may be included in particular gendered constructions of power which simultaneously disempower subordinate men and women.
McElhinny, Chapter 9 in this volume. This style is reproduced in many other contexts. For instance, patronage is often associated with sexual favours cf. It is notable that in victory soldiers and football fans, cf. Archetti are often extremely vicious towards the vanquished. Cartoons are often particularly revealing of the gendering of political relations. Cartoons are surprising precisely when they play effectively on hegemonic idioms. Cartoonists ridicule dominant idioms, but usually remain within the limits of political expression allowed by those who dominate.
Caplan b.
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Thirdly, images, attributions and metaphors of masculinized power are so pervasive that they are frequently used to signify power in settings which have little to do with men. His criticisms were right on target. I demolished his argument…. We can actually win or lose arguments. We see the person we are arguing with as an opponent. Consider only the number of peers in the House of Lords who owe their titles to their bellicose ancestors. More generally, an understanding of how arguments—and more violent altercations—are implicitly gendered is of direct relevance to the negotiation of masculine identities.
Such a concept of power focuses attention on institutions, on formal relations between the powerful and the weak, and on men. In short, conventional perspectives on power are male-biased, riven with functionalism and unable to account for social change Davis et al. His broad understanding of power dislocates it from its association with social pre-eminence.
Rather, power is implicated in all aspects of social life, thus focusing attention on social process, change and the ways in which people experience autonomy and efficacy. Several related issues concern us here. Second, power per se is not dissected, nor are its gendered attributes or the implications of representations of sexual difference explored.
Third, in spite of his central concern with the surveillance of desire and the sexed body as an object of power, Foucault barely considers how the body is gendered —a topic which we address below.
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A fourth problem lies in his lack of interest in questions of agency and autonomy in the way power is enacted between people. Spender ; Ardener Here too, our interest is in disempowerment: the association between men and power is most clearly revealed in studies that focus on the experience of subordination in hegemonic formations. Scott argues that all relations of power are characterized by dual transcripts. It is enacted in face-to-face encounters between superiors and their subordinates. Only in desperation do the weak resort to open rebellion or revolutionary activity; far more often, and far less visibly, the weak aim to restore their own sense of worth and to maximize their advantage within the system which disempowers them cf.
Kandiyoti, Chapter 12 in this volume. Hegemonic and subordinate discourses are mutually constructed. An understanding of relations of power depends on contextualization, in terms of both the wider political economy and the immediate issues at stake. Most importantly, Scott argues that no situation of domination is ever static; external changes and the negotiations involved in any social interaction alter both official and hidden transcripts. Both men and women can refer to the official transcripts of masculinity to legitimize their control of others, while subordinates respond by creating variant masculinities and other gendered identities.
McElhinny Chapter 9 in this volume shows how male and female police officers use the images and professional tools of a hegemonic masculinity to empower themselves. By comparison, the hidden transcripts of subordinates are poorly documented.
Women accidentally-on-purpose burn toast to express their displeasure with their spouses; or they have headaches to resist sexual demands. Lindisfarne, Chapter 4 in this volume; Foxhall, Chapter 7. Subordinate men too engage in gendered behaviours which restore self-esteem: thus, Shire, like Forrest Chapter 5 in this volume and Back Chapter 10 , describes another macho style—that adopted by Shona men living in towns, who with flip-flops and a pair of jeans were like kings cf.
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Moodie In the Barrack-room Ballads Kipling also offers many striking examples of the interplay of hegemonic masculinities and subordinate variants. Or more fundamentally, with Strathern , we must ask how are difference and inequality gendered, and how then do we account for unequal experiences of violence and the frequent association of violence with men.
Strathern argues that every action is inherently forceful because it is inherently transformative see below. As a general position, this makes sense, but it cannot account for the ways force is defined, enacted and experienced by others. Rather, as our discussion of the macho man and numerous examples from our ethnographies show, the puzzle lies in how local definitions and judgements about violence are linked to local attributions of masculinity. By identifying the particular idioms whereby masculinity is associated with power, the ways violence may be gendered and sexualized in wife-battering as opposed to marital rape or queer-bashing, for instance can be explored.
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So too we can consider the parallels between interpersonal violence, the impersonal violence of terrorism and warfare, and that of gendered states. Thus, we may ask what the relation was between the rhetoric of male heroism, the feminization of the state as both sister and whore, and the reintroduction of Koranic punishments for fornication and adultery during the early days of the Islamic revolution in Iran cf. Thaiss ; Najmabadi Such complex questions require subtle answers. Taken at face value, this observation is apposite. Mainstream anthropology has tended to consider women only in the situations in which they are literally embraced by men.
As Moore has pointed out, studies of kinship and marriage have been central to definitions of the discipline and have ensured the inclusion of women in ethnographies, albeit as mothers and wives rather than as social agents in themselves ; cf. Ortner and Whitehead Men, on the other hand, have been described as social actors in all manner of different locations and positions, yet their gendered identities have usually been taken completely for granted. Much of the recent cross- cultural research is not only about women, but by women, and in some sense, for women.
He assumes that maleness is unitary, grounded in evolution and innate psychological and biological dispositions, and categorically opposed to that which is female. We suggest that it is just such cases which should arouse anthropological interest. Indeed, it is by attending to ethnographic details and cultural forms which may at first appear exceptional, ambiguous or anomalous that new areas for enquiry arise. We argue that the scrutiny of men, as men, must also embrace prior studies of women and femaleness and locate discussions of masculinity in the history of gender studies.
With them, we would urge a critical awareness of such retrogressive tendencies in the new studies of men;3 equally, when work in gender studies is ignored, it is fair to wonder if unscholarly interests are being served. An initial aim was to analyse the place of women in the ethnographic literature. Several sources of male bias were identified, among them the way male and female anthropologists incorporated Eurocentric ideas of male dominance into their fieldwork, with a consequent emphasis on the beliefs and activities of men in the community under study.
Rogers More challenging works described the marginal character of discussions of women in earlier ethnographic accounts cf.
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Goodale ; Singer ; Weiner They, and others such as Strathern , were part of a new generation of ethnographies which asked basic questions about the relationship between women and men. This was a critical step. Each of these papers had a formative influence, inspiring ethnographies and extending theoretical debate.
To be fair, the burgeoning literature on men and masculinity derives less from anthropology than from sociology and psychology. However, whatever their point of departure, many of these writers are extremely naive anthropologically, while others have taken up theoretical positions which ignore important recent work on gender.