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Amazon Advertising Find, attract, and engage customers. Amazon Drive Cloud storage from Amazon. Mart in points out that in Quebec nationalist writ ing, "the desire to rape is accompanied by a desire to be raped, not on the part of women but on the part of men, in the context of national guilt.

If the 'missionary posit ion' is always on top, then the antimissionary must always be buggered" "Cheap Tricks" So too with the anti-revolutionary, it would seem. Indeed, if there is an insurrectionary bond established between writer and reader in Aquin 's texts it is one that, much like the connection forged between writer and reader in Richardson's Wacousta or Ross's As For Me and M y House, is "homoerotically charged" Schwartzwald, "Fear of Federasty" While I f irmly believe that "que e rying" the canon requires making space for "new" textual voices, I also believe that such a process requires the simultaneous re-reading of "old" voices in "new" ways.

In this sense, as Sedgwick notes, virtually every national literary "canon as it exists is already such a [homosocial] canon, and most so when it is most heterosexual" Between Men 17 —which is also to say when a canon is most patriarchal.


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This is certainly the case with Canadian literature, whose patterns of sexual dissimulation, as we shall discover at greater length in chapter four, were distressingly apparent to someone as virulently misogynist and homophobic as Aqu in. A n d , moreover, as the example of Aqu in further illustrates, both inside and outside the system of containment known as Canadian canon-formation the histories of nationalism and sexuality are neither discrete nor autonomous as the broad parameters encompassed by the Lecker-Davey debate would have us believe , but rather inextricably "enmeshed" Mosse M y use of the term "enmeshed" is deliberate here; it is meant to indicate that the political and theoretical impulses motivating this dissertation owe something to the pioneering work of historian George Mosse.

In Nationalism and Sexuality, Mosse sketches a double history of modern European nationalism and bourgeois—or "respectable"—sexuality as they emerged together at the end of the 37 eighteenth century, and coalesced in the early twentieth century, in part helping to facilitate the rise of German National Socialism.

In so doing, Mosse points out that the normative assumptions behind our understanding of nationalism and sexuality today, assumptions which we frequently take for granted or regard as conceptually immutable, were in fact thoroughly innovative in European middle-class society two hundred years ago: "manners and morals, as wel l as sexual norms, are part of the historical process. We must appreciate the relativity of such values in order to understand how they came to be allied wi th nationalism. What one regards as normal or abnormal behavior, sexual or otherwise, is a product of historical development, not universal law" 3.

In this passage Mosse clearly aligns himself with the "social constructionist" sympathies of Benedict Anderson and Michel Foucault, who in their respective analyses of "the origins of nationalism" and the "history of sexuality" argue that national and sexual "communities" are "imagined," or discursively produced. In what is arguably the most influential academic study of nationalism in the past decade, Anderson, for example, links the development of what he calls "imagined nation-ness" with the "convergence of capitalism and print technology" on language in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries Chatterjee's "central objection" to Anderson's argument stems from the latter's inherent conflation of nationalisms.

Anticolonial nationalisms in Asia and Afr ica, Chatterjee goes on to argue, have imagined an "'inner' domain" of sovereignty "within" colonial society that at the same time manages to be "without" it, in that the imperialist powers are exempt from it. This inner, or "spiritual," domain of sovereignty, which Chatterjee distinguishes from the "material" domain, and which he discusses most fully in connection wi th Bengal, would seem to be roughly analogous to Fanon's formulation, in The Wretched of the Earth, of "national consciousness," a term which Fanon in turn distinguishes from "nationalism," and which he claims "takes on in Afr ica a special dimension": "the awareness of a simple rule which wil ls that every independent nation in an Africa where colonialism is still entrenched is an encircled nation, a nation which is fragile and in permanent danger" The difference of course is that Fanon, unlike Chatterjee, is writ ing from a 39 psychoanalytical perspective; what Chatterjee labels the "spiritual" springs for Fanon from "unconscious" desires.

The dynamics of this historical project is [sic] completely missed in conventional histories in which the story of nationalism begins with the contest for political power" The Nation 6; my emphasis. There is no "true and essential domain" of sexuality according to Foucault; but its history is very much that of a contest for power. A s he puts it in the first volume of The History of Sexuality, "discourses on sex did not mult iply apart from or against power, but in the very space and as the means of its exercise" Moreover, his famous reevaluation of the "repressive hypothesis" locates the shift from loosely defined interdictions against certain kinds of "sodomitical" behaviour or activity to the naming of "homosexuality" as a category—and the "homosexual" as a "specific" type of deviant individual—firmly within the convergence of medico-juridical discourses in the late nineteeth century see The 40 History of Sexuality, Vo l.

Foucault is actually even more precise, pinpointing as the "date of birth" of "the psychological, psychiatric, medical category of homosexuality": As defined by the ancient civi l or canonical codes, sodomy was a category of forbidden acts; their perpetrator was nothing more than the juridical subject of them. The nineteenth-century homosexual became a personage, a past, a case history, and a childhood, in addition to being a type of life, a life form, a morphology, wi th an indiscreet anatomy and possibly a mysterious physiology.

The sodomite had been a temporary aberration; the homosexual was now a species. Foucault was constantly modifying and revising his own argument in the subsequent volumes of The History of Sexuality, returning to the examples of ancient Greece and Rome in order to outline an "ethic of care of the self" based on the "uses of pleasure" to modify slightly the titles of volumes three and two, respectively. Ed Cohen, whose own project of constructing a "genealogy of a discourse on male sexualities" in Talk on the Wilde Side owes much to the work of Foucault, acknowledges that the increasingly polemical divide among historians and theorists of sexuality and sexual communities "is itself constructed upon political questions represented through concrete historical and semantic issues.

For what appears to be at stake in the historiographic debates about dating 'homosexuality' is how we ought to evaluate the ways this concept still organizes our own engagements with and transformations of the current historical moment" Or, perhaps more pertinently, the ways in which these largely academic debates fail to organize urban gay communities whose collective engagements wi th history on the day-to-day level of protest and activism remain for the most part framed within a paradigm of identity politics.

As Steven Epstein suggests, "constructionism poses a real and direct threat to the ethnic legitimation [of the 'gay masses']: people who base their claims to social rights on the basis of a group identity w i l l not appreciate being told that that identity is just a social construct" Rejecting both "strict constructionism" and "strict essentialism" as theoretically inadequate and politically ineffective positions from which to analyze homosexual identity, Epstein nevertheless strategically modifies some key 42 essentialist tenets in developing his concept of "gay ethnicity" as a "politically defensible starting point from which the gay movement can evolve in a progressive direction" Such a "modified constructionism," according to Epstein, "implies a more comprehensive understanding of power, and of the dialectical relationship between identities as self-expressions and identities as ascriptive impositions" Similarly, in her reading of the Subaltern Studies collective's attempts to "situate" subaltern consciousness and, concomitantly, postcolonial agency within the narrative "metalepsis" of elite historiography, Gayatri Spivak endorses what she sees "as a strategic use of positivist essentialism in a scrupulously visible political interest" "Subaltern Studies" To be sure, Epstein's "modified constructionism" and Spivak's "strategic essentialism" are not political panaceas; they are merely elegant rhetorical circumventions of an ongoing theoretical impasse.

In practice, there wi l l always remain a danger that what begins as provisional and interventionary wi l l eventually solidify into a permanent re-entrenchment of absolutist positions a pedagogical point to which I shall return in my final chapter. In keeping with the situationally dependent nature of strategy, however, I would add that in certain circumstances it may just be that the "risk" is wel l worth tak ing.

Nor should it be. Still, as Fuss has persuasively argued, "The bar between essentialism 43 and constructionism is by no means as solid and unassailable as advocates of both sides assume it to be" Essentially Speaking xii. Indeed, more and more critics are beginning to speak in terms of "co-implications" Mohanty, "On Race and Voice" and "cross-identifications" Butler and Martin , to theorize difference as historically contextual and relationally contigent. That is, within the overlapping ideologies of race, gender, and sexuality both whites and blacks, men and women, straights and gays "share certain histories as wel l as certain responsibilities" Mohanty, "On Race and Voice" As I see it, one of my primary responsibilities in this dissertation is to rethink the hotly contested issue of identity, both nationally and sexually.

This necessarily means beginning with where I am: a white Anglo-Scots gay male Ph. However, moving forward from this locational context—be it corporeal, institutional, geographical, or whatever—requires something more, a sort of referential leap of faith, an acceptance of identities as non-identical. What I mean by this apparent tautology is that the process of self-identification w i l l always be partial because procurement of a given identity only occurs in relation to that which is "Other.

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In this sense, I am attempting to heed the call announced by Schwartzwald at the end of his essay on the "Problematics of Identity in Quebec," an essay which I w i l l have occasion to refer to again in chapter four. He concludes his analysis of the conscription and naturalization of sexual difference within Quebecois social theorists' narratives of national identity by suggesting to both "theorists of the subject-nation" and "sex-gender theorists" a mutual interrogation of and "constructive engagement" wi th each other's "variegated claims" on the "unavoidably common terrain of identity" , Of course, as Henry Abelove and others have so astutely intuited, one such "constructive engagement"—or "enmeshment," to return to Mosse's phrase—of the national and the sexual is encapsulated in the tactics and strategies deployed by, not to mention the very name of, "Queer Nation" see Abelove, "From Thoreau to Queer Politics".

In an article that is equal parts theoretical rumination, documentary history, and radical manifesto, Lauren Berlant and Elizabeth Freeman maintain that "Queer Nation's outspoken promotion of a national sexuality not only discloses that mainstream national identity touts a subliminal sexuality more official than a state flower or national bird, but also makes explicit how thoroughly the local experience of the body is framed by laws, policies, and social customs regulating sexuality" Trading upon or, more properly, "camping" the structures of identification and the economies of exchange central to the promotion and maintenance of a nationalist-capitalist ideology, the organization's intertwining of the national with the sexual, its commingling of 45 multiple and manifold publics, polities, communities, and symbolic cultures, according to Berlant and Freeman, is both a reclamation of nationality specifically for "pleasure" and a subversion of it.

Queer Nation's insurrectionary rhetoric claims all social spaces "as 'national' sites ripe both for transgression and legitimate visibility. Its tactics are to cross borders, to occupy spaces, and to mime the privileges of normality" Berlant and Freeman O n the subject of borders, and the crossing of borders, perhaps no one has written more eloquently or more powerfully than Gloria Anzaldua. In Borderlands I ha Frontera: The New Mestiza, she describes, in poetry and prose, her experience as a "border woman," growing up Chicana and lesbian along the U.

Commenting on this l iminal space, and her contradictory and shifting occupation of it, Anzaldua writes: "A borderland is a vague and undetermined place created by the emotional residue of an unnatural boundary. It is in a constant state of transition. The prohibited and forbidden are its inhabitants. Los atravesados l ive here: the squint-eyed, the perverse, the queer, the troublesome, the mongrel, the mulatto, the half-breed" 3. This territory, as Anzaldua acknowledges, is by no means an easy or comfortable area to inhabit.

In this pos t -NAFTA era, however, Anzaldua's remarks take on added significance, if only because free trade seems to have resulted in a tightening rather than a relaxing of borders: financial capital and raw materials may pass back and forth relatively unrestricted, but not people, especially if those people are dark-skinned and speak Spanish. Al though expressed differently than in Mexico, "border consciousness," and particularly consciousness of the U. Distinguishing between "borderlines" and "borderlands," Russell Brown argues that whereas the former "defines Canada in terms of difference, in terms of what lies on its other side, or of what it does not, or w i l l not, admit," the latter is "a place that draws all things into it, a place identified with the middle ground, with the union of opposites, and wi th mediation" Within Brown's discursive taxonomy, then, borders become at once self-defining and self-limiting, representative of a state of in-betweenness that is itself politically and socially circumscribed.

In this regard, it is worth pointing out that Brown is speaking primarily about English-Canadians' experiences of borders, especially internationally vis-a-vis the U. Avo id ing such potentially problematic binarisms, Marshal l McLuhan argued, a decade or more before Brown published in , McLuhan's essay was originally broadcast on the C B C in , that Canada constitutes a "borderline case," plain and simple.

Wel l , perhaps not so simple. For, according to McLuhan, "Canada is a land of multiple borderlines, psychic, social, and geographic" ; my emphasis ; each borderline, moreover, "is an area of spiraling repetition and replay, of both inputs and feedback, of both interlace and interface, an area of 'double ends joined,' of rebirth and metamorphosis" This condition of multiple borderlines contributes to what McLuhan calls "Canada's low-profile [national] identity" , which, far from being a hindrance in the "global village," "nourishes flexibility" and "approaches the ideal pattern of electronic l iv ing" , As McLuhan argued elsewhere, in Culture is Our Business, "Homogeneity, the old ideal of nation, is useless in the global theatre of gaps and interfaces" In this regard, McLuhan—whose The Gutenberg Galaxy anticipated Anderson's central thesis by some 20 years—provides me wi th my strongest conceptual l ink back to a more specifically Canadian literary context.


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For it is McLuhan to whom Northrop Frye appeals near the end of his "Conclusion" to the first edition of the Literary History of Canada in arguing that contemporary Canadian literature is, in effect, post-national: "The writers of the last decade, at least, have begun to write in a world which is post-Canadian, as it is post American, post-British, and post everything except the wor ld itself" The Bush Garden Frye put it even more explicitly two years later—this time without recourse to McLuhan—in The Modern Century: "What is important about the last century, in [Canada], is not that we have been a nation for a hundred years, but that we have had a hundred years in which to make the transition from a pre-national to a post-national consciousness" Picking up, in many respects, where McLuhan and Frye leave off, Frank Davey has recently invoked the term "post-national" in his survey of "the politics of the Anglophone-Canadian novel since Post-national is of course not the same as post-nationalz'sf.

While my own use of "post-national" is necessarily imbricated wi th the successive meanings that critics like McLuhan, Frye, and Davey have attached to the term, I want also to stress that my application of it to various texts throughout this dissertation is roughly analogous to my use of the literary-critical terms "postcolonial" and "postmodernist. Ironically, the "social imagination" which Frye outlines at the beginning of his "Conclusion," an imagination that "explores and settles and develops" according to "its own rhythms of growth" and "modes of expression," is anything but post-national The Bush Garden ; it is, in fact, grounded in the myth of two founding nations.

In declaring that "Canada has two languages and literatures," Frye also rather blithely claims that "Canada began as an obstacle, blocking the way to the treasures of the east" , This simultaneous absorption and elision of Indigenous and ethnic peoples and writ ing into the cultural history and literature of Canada posits Frye's "social imagination" as arbiter of discursive absence, its apparent autonomous presence within—and without—his text determining what does not exist, what is not there.

But, as Himani Bannerji has recently stated, in her introduction to Returning the Gaze, " A n absence,. So too, I would add, wi th an inside or an outside. Thus, my initial response to the "absent presences" and "interior exclusions" operating within what Frye sees as Canada's "famous problem of identity" is not simply to replace his rhetorical question '"Where is here?

Taking my cue from the editors of the recent volume of essays Nationalisms and Sexualities, this dissertation "does not merely seek to broaden [Mosse's] frame of reference with the goal of including other times, other nations and other sexualities"; rather, it seeks to interrogate the hetero normative assumption "that 'nation' and 'sexuality' are themselves trans-historical, supra-national, or self-identical categories" 2.

This principle extends to my understanding of Canadian "literature" as well : not simply that there are "other solitudes," including queer ones, but that what gets counted as "literature" in this country is contingent upon certain supplementary sociopolitical discourses, such as nationalism and sexuality. Indeed, it is interesting to note that Cooper's Leatherstocking novels are themselves heavily steeped in male homosocial desire.

In Love and Death in the American Novel , for example, Leslie Fiedler has commented at length on the "austere, almost inarticulate, but unquestioned love" figured between the white woodsman, Natty Bumppo, and the Delaware chief, Chingachgook, in Cooper's The Pathfinder. According to Sedgwick, colonialism contributed to the transformation of certain gothic conventions in mid-Victorian England. As she puts it in Between Men , the "literary availability of the thematics of Empire. This process is of course heightened in the "savage" spaces of the New Wor ld.

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O n how the gothic gets played out in the Canadian literary context, with particular attention to Wacousta, see Margot Northey, The Haunted Wilderness. In Daphne Marlatt's Ana Historic, a text which substantially re-writes Grainger's Woodsmen, the homosocial triangle—regardless of the configuration of characters—is all female in gender: Annie, Zoe, Mrs. Ana Richards; Annie, Ina, Mrs.

Ana Richards. See chapter five, below. For a bravura reading of the "female homosocial triangle" as it relates to the "counterplot" of modern lesbian fiction, a reading that is as much a polemic against Sedgwick as it is the elaboration of a new critical model, see Terry Castle, The 53 Apparit ional Lesbian, The photographs accompanying the first edition have since been excised from all subsequent reprints of the text by McClel land and Stewart.

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A study of how the photographs impact on the text, both in terms of the construction of literary realism and the ironization of masculinity, bears further investigation. Note, in particular, the homoeroticism which suffuses the fol lowing passage: "Brian stopped and stared across at the Young Ben; he never saw the other boy without excitement stirring within him; as ever it was a wordless attraction strengthening with each additional and fleeting glimpse he got of the Young Ben" For an examination of the risks involved in a "critical" use of the term "queer," see the last chapter of Judith Butler's Bodies That Matter.

See also note 15, below.


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See Charles Steele, ed. See, in this regard, Sedgwick's "Wil la Cather and Others. I cannot help thinking, in this context, of the fate of Earle Birney's Dav id , in his famous narrative poem of the same name, a poem not without its own homosocial overtones. It is true, as the editors of the recent volume of essays Nationalisms and Sexualities claim in their introduction, that Anderson's "book has relatively little to say about gender or sexuality" 4. It is worth noting, however, that in his concluding chapter, during a discussion of the nineteenth-century "imaginings of fraternity" in the American fiction of James Fenimore Cooper see note 1, above , Herman Melvi l le and Mark Twain, Anderson does concede—albeit in a footnote—that "[rjather than a national eroticism, it is, I suspect, an eroticized nationalism that is at work [in these novels]" n.

In his "Conclusion" to The Location of Culture Hom i Bhabha critiques both Foucault and Anderson for failing to introduce the question of race into the historical contests for power at the heart of the disciplinary regimes of sexuality and nationalism: "If Foucault normalizes the time-lagged, 'retroverse' sign of race, Benedict Anderson places the 'modern' dreams of racism 'outside history' altogether.

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For Foucault race and blood interfere with modern sexuality. For Anderson racism has its origins in antique ideologies of class that belong to the aristocratic 'pre-history' of the modern nation" Bhabha has also pointed out the ahistoricism inherent in Anderson's conception of the "modernity" of the imagined community of nationhood in "DissemiNation. It was Stephen Heath, in his essay "Difference," who first proclaimed that "the risk of essence may have to be taken" Since then many poststructuralist 55 feminists have grappled with its import for the theory and practice of gender relations.

Diana Fuss offers a critical overview of "the 'risk' of essence" in the first chapter of Essentially Speaking, In her provocative and influential essay, "Imitation and Gender Insubordination," Butler also has this to say on the topic of "identity" and "risk": "To propose that the invocation of identity is always a risk does not imply that resistance to it is always or only symptomatic of a self-inflicted homophobia" But it does imply, I would hasten to point out, that such an invocation is always undertaken in contexts which make it risky.